Search This Blog

Friday, November 8, 2019

Lest We Forget: Why Were Williamson County's Black Civil War Veterans Forgotten?

From the very first day that I began researching and recovering the stories of the men from Williamson County who joined the US Army during the Civil War, I have wondered - and been asked - why and how did we not know about them? How were their stories forgotten?  How is it that even their own descendants did not know that they had served?  It seems like such an important and significant thing -- to have escaped from slavery and joined the opposition to fight -- that this heroic act would be celebrated in family lore and passed down from generation to generation.  But it mostly had not been.

As the daughter of a Vietnam War veteran, I can certainly appreciate the reticence many veterans feel about talking about the details of war. But this was different.  The basic fact of their service had been entirely erased. Only a few families seemed to have held onto those memories, and their experience is the exception and not the rule here in Williamson County and throughout middle Tennessee. Some of this may be due to the large numbers of veterans who left - either soon after the Civil War during the Exoduster Movement (discussed here) or later during the Great Migration.  


But for families who remained, and the broader (white and black) community, this "forgetting" at first seemed inexplicable - until I began to explore the history and context more deeply.  What I have started to understand is that their stories were not so much forgotten as intentionally suppressed and purposefully hidden.  I think two factors were primarily at work.  First, active intimidation by groups such as the Ku Klux Klan to target former veterans and make it dangerous to have been a veteran or associated with one.  Second, the wide-scale adoption of the Lost Cause narrative that minimized and further helped suppress the history of the US Colored Troop veterans locally.


This blog post will focus primarily on the first factor - the violence targeting US Colored Troop veterans in the middle Tennessee area during the Reconstruction period.  These men were likely targeted due to the political power they represented and were likely to wield - in the summer of 1867 African American men embraced their right to vote and represented a significant political threat to southern white Democrats.  This threat was met with violence. The Equal Justice Initiative's report Lynching in America: Targeting Black Veterans confirms that 

no one was more at risk of experiencing violence and targeted racial terror than black veterans. . . . Because of their military service, black veterans were seen as a particular threat to Jim Crow and racial subordination. .  .  black veterans were assaulted, threatened, abused, or lynched following military service.
One very early example of this violence from Williamson County involved a soldier who had not even mustered out yet.  Pvt. Henry Moon and his brother, both soldiers in the 17th US Colored Infantry, were part of the forces in place during the early Reconstruction period in middle Tennessee.  In February 1866, while on furlough to visit their parents, they were confronted by civilians in Triune in eastern Williamson County, and Pvt. Moon was shot and killed.

In the book, God Struck Me Dead, Williamson County's US Colored Troop veteran Pvt. Freeman Thomas described that during the immediate post-War period, he experienced intimidation and harassment by the KKK precisely because of his military service:

After the war, times got worse for a time. The KKK were raising the devil on every hand. They were especially hard on us soldiers. Once a bunch of them caught me out. 
"Where were you born?" they asked me. 
"Franklin," I replied. 
"You are the very Negro we want. You belong to that Union League, and we are going to kill you." 
"No sir, Mars's, I don't belong to no league, and I am a good man, I work for Ole Mars' and Missus and do whatever they tell me to." 
"You will have to prove this," they told me. They took me to a man that knew me, and he told them that I was once a soldier. This made them madder than ever. I denied that I had ever been a soldier, and when they tried to make me march I pretended not to know how. One of them stuck a pistol to my nose and asked me what church I belonged to. 
I said, "None." They told me I had better pray and made me get down on my knees. They had caught and killed a lot of Negroes that they found out to be old soldiers. I was good and scared. 
When I wouldn't pray, one of them started to praying for me and said, "Lord have mercy on this poor Negro that is coming home in about five minutes." 
I jumped up and said, "White folks, I just can't stand it no longer." They jerked me around for a while and made like they were going to kill me, but after a while they let me go. I took off my hat and ran like a deer. It is a wonder I didn't run into a tree and kill myself.
Pvt Thomas' experience in middle Tennessee was not an isolated one.  During this time, in the summer of 1868, the Tennessee State Senate convened a Commission to investigate "outrages committed by the Ku Klux klan in middle and west Tennessee."  They collected the testimony of scores of people - white and black - about the intimidation and violence they faced.  And one theme that emerged was the focus of the KKK on former veterans of the Federal forces during the Civil War.

For example, Charles Belefont, an 18-year-old farmer from Culleoka in Maury County, described how nine men came to his cabin one night and whipped him, giving him 200 lashes.  They said that "they were going to kill all that had been in the Yankee army."






Also, Wesley Alexander, a farmer from Maury County, described how: 
"They have shot at me seven or eight times and run me off from home. . . they told me that if I ever come back they would kill me. This spite is because  I . . . have been a soldier in the Union Army. . . They say they intend to kill every n***** that belongs to any of those things." 
 Wesley Alexander had served as a 15-year-old musician - perhaps a drummer boy - in the 15th US Colored Infantry during the Civil War. 



Gilbert Akin was a 33-year-old mechanic from Columbia in Maury County.  He told the Senate investigators that:  
"They say that they are determined to break up, and drive off every damned man that . . . has been a Yankee soldier."


W. A. Kelly of Maury County was a white veteran of the US Army.  He described how the Klan tore up his discharge papers, stole from him, and threatened his wife and his own life. "They said that no damned Union soldier . . . should live in the county."





These statements are all consistent with a report issued in 1868 by the Secretary of War to Congress that stated that black soldiers in Kentucky, “[h]aving served in the Union Army, were the special objects of persecution, and in hundreds of instances have been driven from their homes. H. Exec. Docs., Report of Secretary of War, 40th Cong., 3rd Sess., No. 1, Vol. I, 1868-69 1056. One example was, Peter Branford, a US Colored Troop veteran, who was shot and killed “without cause or provocation” in Mercer County, Kentucky. At Bardstown, Kentucky, a mob brutally attacked a US Colored Troop veteran, stripped him naked, beat him, and castrated him. He was then forced to run half a mile to a bridge outside of town, where he was shot and killed.

This violence was rampant throughout middle Tennessee and Williamson County during this period. It crested in the summer of 1867 with the so-called Franklin Riot which involved many former federal veterans and continued with a series of lynchings in the summer of 1868 that, while not aimed directly at federal veterans, certainly had an impact on all African Americans in the area.  

By 1870, the situation had not measurably improved for black Federal veterans locally.  The Nashville Union and American newspaper ran a lengthy article detailing some of the violence still occurring throughout middle Tennessee, and it is significant to note how much of it was continuing to be focused on former US veterans.  

For example, W. J. McAnnally, a "discharged Federal soldier" of Pulaski in Giles County, was shot three times by a group of masked men. 


Nashville_Union_and_American
Wed__Apr_13__1870
On the west side of Nashville, an "ex-Federal soldier, by the name of Walsh" had his horse shot by a former Confederate - who called the animal a "d--d Yankee horse."  

Also near Smithville, an ex-Federal soldier was killed, and his "murderers were not seen."


The reporter also stated, "I have heard of the hanging of an ex-Federal soldier since I left Nashville . . . I think it is certain that his body was found on an island in Stone's River, near Nashville."

Nashville_Union_and_American
Wed__Apr_13__1870
The article continued, "a son of Gen. Jno B. Rodgers, who had been a Federal soldier, was shot and badly wounded in his own house."
Nashville_Union_and_American
Wed__Apr_13__1870
The reporter also said that he remembered hearing of the killing of two men who had been Federal soldiers in late 1868 or early 1869, "and the perpetrators were disguised."


Nashville_Union_and_American
Wed__Apr_13__1870
Also, "Samuel Morrow a federal veteran from Maury County and belonged to one of the Tennessee regiments; was honorably discharged from the United States service; was an old man, sixty years of age; was murdered in his own house by a band of masked men, on the night of the 4gth of August 1869."


Nashville_Union_and_American
Wed__Apr_13__1870

By 1877, federal Reconstruction efforts came to an end in the South as political forces changed hands, and African American veterans were left with even less recourse than they had had before.

In 1890, the Federal Census included a special count of federal veterans of the Civil War.  I think it is revealing that in Williamson County, only a small number of black men identified themselves as being veterans. I know from my research that many black veterans were living in the County in 1890 - some were even collecting pensions for their service - but they did not self-identify.  Additionally, many of these same veterans were eligible for free US Civil War headstones, but their families did not apply for them. Of the more than 300 men that I have identified from Williamson County (so far) who served in the US Colored Troops, only three men (1%) have Civil War headstones here.  


I believe the terror inflicted upon black veterans and their families drove many of them to conceal their military service. By 1899, the Confederate monument was installed in the center of the Public Square in Franklin. The message was clear to those aging US Army veterans that their story was not appreciated by the broader community and certainly not one that would be celebrated.  It is no wonder that the history of their service had been erased.  


We have the opportunity now to correct this omission and restore these lost chapters of Williamson County's history to their rightful place. Please remember these long-forgotten veterans of Williamson County this Veterans Day and always. 

Help the #SlavesToSoldiers project ensure that these veterans are never forgotten again. Consider sponsoring a paver at Williamson County's Veterans Park in honor of one of these men on our website www.SlavesToSoldiers.com





Tuesday, October 22, 2019

July 1868 lynchings in Williamson County, Tennessee and the rise of the KKK

On Friday, July 17, 1868, just a few years after the end of the Civil War - William Guthrie, an African American man from Franklin, was lynched by the KKK in retaliation for accusations that he raped a white woman. The newspaper said: "His execution took place on Friday night at midnight, and it was supposed to have been done by the Kuklux, or at least by persons in disguise and unknown to our informants." His murder touched off a series of back-and-forth lynchings and murders that would leave as many as six Williamson County men - both black and white - dead. 

The events are relatively unknown in Williamson County, although they have been written about locally and nationally in part because one of the killings, of Samuel Bierfield, is believed to be the first lynching of a Jewish person in America.  Perhaps the best summary of these events appears in a Jewish publication here.  I will not attempt to provide a comprehensive review of the events that summer, but I think it is worth a review of the timeline and circumstances surrounding them because they provide important insight into life in Williamson County at that tumultuous time - early in Reconstruction as African Americans were working to rebuild lives following slavery and many white Williamson Countians were struggling with the rapidly shifting political, economic and social structures that they had known and relied on.


Timeline of Events

Summer of 1867.  Beyond the scope of this blog post - but certainly worth considering for its context - is the so-called Franklin Riot which occurred the summer before, in July 1867.  A clash between two rival political groups in Franklin resulted in one death and several injuries.  Recently, the Historic Franklin Masonic Hall Foundation has published the best summary of these events to date here. To summarize the situation, as African American men were gaining the right to vote and former Confederates were being disenfranchised, political tensions were fraught. Two opposing political groups formed, drawn largely - but not entirely - on racial lines.  The Loyal League or Union League aligned with the Radical Republicans and was comprised primarily of former federal soldiers - both white and black - and non-veteran black men.  On the other side were the Conservatives who were comprised primarily of former Confederates, pro-secessionists and some African Americans who remained loyal to the Confederates, seeing their political and economic fortunes tied to those who had always - and they believed would continue to be - in power.

To exacerbate matters, that summer the Ku Klux Klan was emerging nearby in Giles County. A Freedmen's Bureau agent described in August how, "The best citizens here declare that no harm shall come to anyone and that the [Loyal] League shall not be interfered with - they say this Kuklux Klan is gotten up by the young men merely for fun and that they never intend to interfere with anyone. This may all be true but I doubt it. It is certainly a very extensive institution for a funny one."

Statement by Freedmen's Bureau Officer, Giles County, Tennessee August 1857



Nashville_Union_and_American
Sun__Jan_26__1868_
January 1868 Ku Klu Klan Begins to Spread.  Within months, the KKK was spreading throughout middle Tennessee.  In January 1868, a Nashville newspaper was reporting on a chapter forming in that city. Its organization was imputed as a reaction to the creation of all-black companies within the state militia, as well as the large numbers of armed veterans of the US Colored Troops. (These were also key factors in the 1867 incident in Franklin.)

One night in 1868, a Franklin chapter of the KKK was formed in former Confederate John House's dry good's store on the public square in Franklin. House had played a major role in the July 1867 incident.


Statement by George S. Nichols
Describing the formation of Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in 1868 in Franklin, TN with an initial membership of John L. House, George Smithson, William Cunningham, J. M. Nichols, Daniel McAlpin, Geo S. Nichols - dated March 11, 1915
 Mary Nichols Britt Collection.
Tennessee State Library and Archives.


Nashville_Union_and_American
Wed__Mar_11__1868
March 1868 KKK Was Well-Established in Williamson County. By March 1868 a newspaper correspondent from Thompson's Station in Williamson County was reporting on county-wide elections that had gone overwhelmingly for the Conservatives - perhaps (probably) due to intimidation by the KKK. The writer said, "The negroes have got tired waiting for their 'forty acres' and are getting to realize affairs in their proper aspect. At a meeting of the Rads [Republicans] in this county, a week before the election they were told 'to go to the polls with their arms and ammunition in their pockets and be sure to keep it dry.' . . . The people [presumably he means the white population] are highly pleased with the result of the election. I have heard of only one difficulty on election day, and that happened in Franklin. [The writer then described a conflict between James Bliss (a white former federal officer and member of the Loyal League who had also been involved in the July 1867 incident) and Jeff DeGraffenreid (a white Conservative)] . . . The Ku-Klux or any body of men had anything to do with the election." This last line makes me wonder why the writer included it -- was it a denial?

Meanwhile, the KKK and another organization the "Pale Faces" had gained such popularity in middle Tennessee that they were sponsoring youth baseball teams in Nashville.


Nashville Republican Banner
Sunday Mar_29__1868
Additionally, the KKK seems to have been working to rehabilitate its image from a violent organization into a benevolent one.  That spring, the Franklin chapter of the KKK visited a widow near Fairview whose son had died as a Confederate soldier.  The group delivered a $100 gift. The men were dressed in "long flowing robes of red, bordered with a broad white stripe."

The_Pulaski_Citizen
Fri__Mar_6__1868

In April of 1868, a police officer in Memphis arrested several members of a KKK den there and took possession of some of their promotional materials.  A seized KKK initiation pamphlet was published in the newspaper and described that the organization required members to "swear that all Radicals and Negroes, who have placed themselves opposite to the interests of the owners of the soil of Tennessee shall forever be my enemy, and that under no circumstance will I have other connection with them, if I can help it other than to 'welcome them with bloody hands to hospitable graves.'"

KKK Becoming Increasingly Violent.  This description of the KKK's objectives as bringing African Americans to their "graves" seems to be a major purpose of the organization.  In June of 1868, a black man was horrifically murdered just north of Thompson's Station. His body was discovered by 18-year-old John Lawson who described how one night:
"two Ku Klux came . . . to the cabin where I was, and came in the cabin, after breaking open the door. They were in the cabin when I slipped out. It being dark, one of them said to the other to come and let us kill this damned negro. They followed me up, and fired four shots at me. I got away and hid. The next morning, I started for Nashville, and within about one-quarter of a mile from where I started, I found a man hanging up by the feet. He had been skinned. His skin was hanging over his neck, and his privates had been cut off and put in his mouth. I did not know who he was."
Particularly at risk of these kinds of violence, were the black men who had joined the US Army to fight during the Civil War. In the book, Good Struck Me Dead, Franklin veteran Freeman Thomas described an experience he had with the KKK during this time:

"After the war, times got worse for a time. The KKK were raising the devil on every hand. They were especially hard on us soldiers. Once a bunch of them caught me out. "Where were you born?" they asked m. "Franklin," I replied. "You are the very Negro we want. You belong to that Union League, and we are going to kill you." "No sir, Mars's, I don't belong to no league, and I am a good man, I work for Ole Mars' and Missus and do whatever they tell me to." "You will have to prove this," they told me. They took me to a man that knew me, and he told them that I was once a soldier. This made them madder than ever. I denied that I had ever been a soldier, and when they tried to make me march I pretended not to know how. One of them stuck a pistol to my nose and asked me what church I belonged to. I said, "None." They told me I had better pray and made me get down on my knees. They had caught and killed a lot of Negroes that htey found out to be old soldiers. I was good and scared. When I wouldn't pray, one of them started to praying for me and said, "Lord have mercy on this poor Negro that is coming home in about five minutes." I jumped up and said, "White folks, I just can't stand it no longer." They jerked me around for a while and made like they were going to kill me, but after a while they let me go. I took off my hat and ran like a deer. It is a wonder I didn't run into a tree and kill myself."

Incidents like this these were becoming so common that the Tennessee State Senate's Committee on Military Affairs convened a commission to investigate the "outrages committed by the Ku Klux klan in middle and west Tennessee."  John Lawson described his harassment to them on August 5, 1868.
Report of evidence taken before the Military committee in relation to outrages committed by the Ku Klux klan in middle and west Tennessee by Tennessee. General assembly. Senate. Committee on military affairs. [page 37, the testimony of John Lawson of Thompson Station, Williamson County]

In early July 1868, General George Judd, of the Freedmen's Bureau wrote to his superiors in Nashville and described how freedmen were fleeing to Nashville for protection from the KKK and that nothing but force would stop them. "Unless something is done by the Governor immediately to protect the colored citizens, this City [Nashville] will be flooded by poor, helpless creatures who will have to be supported by the U.S. Government. ... The Kuklux organization is so extensive and so well organized and armed that it is beyond the power of anyone to exert any moral influence over them. Powder and Ball is the only thing that will put them down."

Statement by Freedmen's Bureau Agent, George Judd - July 7, 1868
Described how freedmen were fleeing to Nashville for protection. "Unless something is done by the Governor immediately to protect the colored citizens, this City will be flooded by poor, helpless creatures who will have to be supported by the U.S. Government. ... The Kuklux organization is so extensive and so well organized and armed that it is beyond the power of anyone to exert any moral influence over them. Powder and Ball is the only thing that will put them down." 

Murder of William Guthrie in July 1868.  Finally, one night in July 1868, these tensions appear to have boiled over in Franklin. William Guthrie, a black man, was accused of raping a white girl from the Ezell family on Carter's Creek Pike on the west side of Franklin. He was captured by her family members the next day near Boyd's Mill and taken to the Franklin jail. 


The Nashville Republican Banner
Sun__Jul_19__1868_
At midnight that night, 

"the well-known signal of the Kuklux was sounded throughout the town [and] as a body of horsemen, in the uniform of the Klan, apparently three hundred strong rode into the place. The corner of every street was strictly guarded by the sentinels, and no one was allowed to pass out of their lines. A number of the Klan immediately proceeded to the jail, obtained the keys from the reluctant jailer, took out the prisoner, carried him to the Douglass Church, four miles and a half from Franklin on the Lewisburg turnpike, shot him twice through the head and left him lying dead near the road-side. . . . [Guthrie] was found the next morning, and it was discovered that the hogs had commenced eating away his face. The Coroner held an inquest on the body, and the jury returned a verdict that he came to his death by balls from a pistol in the hands of persons unknown."
According to this report, Guthrie was murdered at the Douglass Church which was located where Henpeck Market is today at the intersection of Lewisburg Pike and Henpeck Lane. 

Retaliatory Murder of Jeremiah Ezell.  A newspaper reported that the next night, also at midnight one of the Ezell brothers was shot and killed on Carter's Creek Pike, "by a party of negroes and white men in ambush. The ambush consisted of sixteen negroes and two white men. [Jeremiah] Ezell was shot by the assassins and mortally wounded. A young man named Beasley was also shot through the foot and his horse was badly hurt. . . Ezell died on Sunday night." His body is buried in the Cotton Cemetery in the Southall community.

I wanted to add one more description to these newspaper accounts that has not been widely reported before.  John Campbell was born in Scotland to Irish parents and moved to Franklin as a child.  He wrote a memoir in 1925 that described many events in Franklin before, during and after the Civil War - including the murder of William Guthrie and Jeremiah Ezell.  In his account, he refers to Ezell as "John" Ezell and said that he was the man who killed William Guthrie with a shotgun - and that he was therefore targeted by the ambushing group.  He also described how, following Ezell's murder, the KKK "took the matter up" and killed two black men in addition to targeting a white man who had been with them, Samuel Bierfield. One of the black men was "hung . . . on a locust tree that stood a few yards south of the end of the stone fence [at Widow Bostick's Everbright home on Carter's Creek Pike] and the other one was hung in Maney's front lawn about a mile out on the Nashville pike." The home where the second man was hung is known today as Jasmine Grove in the Myles Manor neighborhood. I have found no other references to the deaths of these two men and do not know their names.

Memphis_Daily_Appeal_Tue__Jul_21__1868
It is not clear if this report was in reference to the Guthrie or Ezell murders, or perhaps the subsequent two murders.
Clarksville_Weekly_Chronicle
Fri__Sep_11__1868
Murders of Samuel Bierfield and Lawrence Bowman. For the next month, tempers simmered as the two factions were in a standoff.  However, Ezell's murder was not forgotten.  On the night of August 17, 1868, Samuel Bierfield sat in the back of his successful dry goods store on Main Street in Franklin with his black clerk Lawrence Bowman and another black man, Henry Morton. A large crowd was near town to see John Robinson's Circus - which promised to be ten shows rolled into one.  A group of men came to Biefield's back door and demanded that he come out. Bierfield shouted for the visitors to go around to the front, "unless they wanted to be shot." The intruders broke down the back door and a group of masked men came into the store.  Bierfield tried to run out of the shop's front door onto Main Street. However, about a dozen men were waiting for him. His hands were bound and he was carried about 100 yards up Indigo Street (today's 2nd Avenue) where he managed to escape and hide in Bostick's Stable. He was soon dragged back onto Main street. According to reports, Bierfield begged for his life - even offering the men money and swearing he would leave town and never return. However, the mob would not negotiate. The newspaper reported that, "at the mouth of Main Street, where Indigo Street crosses between Haines' and Briggs' grocery stores, he was shot and killed. Before his death he denied having had anything to do with the assassination of Ezell." Other reports described how one bullet pierced Bierfield’s hip and the other four entered through the front of his head. The pistols were fired from such close range that gunpowder burned Bierfield’s clothes and skin. Lawrence Bowman, Bierfield's clerk, had been shot once, and was found nearby, mortally wounded. Bierfield's body was sent to Nashville where he was buried in a Jewish cemetery. I have not located the burial location for Bowman.


Bolivar_Bulletin
Sat__Sep_14__1867
Advertisement for JG Briggs's Grocery Store
He was also in business with Norton as a cotton merchant.

Brownlow_s_Knoxville_Whig
Wed__Aug_19__1868

The_Brooklyn_Daily_Eagle
Mon Aug_24__1868

Memphis_Daily_Appeal_Thu__Aug_20__1868_

On August 16, 1868, an inquest jury comprised of eight Franklin men determined that Bierfield was killed by bullets fired by “a person or persons to the jury unknown.” The jury wrote - and then crossed out - an additional statement that “from the evidence, the jury are unable to say whether the deed was done maliciously or feloniously.” I understand why that statement was crossed out -- if left standing I would find it hard to believe. It seems to have been obviously a malicious and felonious act.

The Freedmen's Bureau also conducted an investigation.  Two agents were sent to Franklin to conduct the inquiry however their work was stymied by the uncooperative white residents of the town. 

Some of the community's "best citizens" were assembled in the Courthouse to be interviewed.  After several questions, all with no reply, General Judd of the Freedmen's Bureau wrote in his report: “All looked like a set of whipped curs, as they are.”  The final report was filed on August 20, 1868. No one was ever prosecuted for any of the murders.

Within a week, reports were appearing in Nashville newspapers of freedmen in the city circulating petitions asking the state legislature to take action to stop the KKK and to help those who had fled from them. This situation had been predicted by the Freemen's Bureau a few months before. The Nashville paper claimed that they had fabricated "their tales of Kuklux outrages."


The_Tennessean_Fri__Aug_21__1868_
The six murders outlined here are just some of the lynchings of African American men that occurred in Franklin and Williamson County during the Reconstruction period.  Over the next 25 years, at least five more men were murdered by mobs taking the law into their own hands:
  • March 1877, Jim Walker was taken from the courthouse by “masked men” and hung “about a mile from town”. 
  • April 30, 1891 Jim Taylor lynched from the Murfreesboro Bridge by today's Pinkerton Park in Franklin 
This ugly period in America's history, in Franklin and Williamson County's history and in our collective history must not be forgotten.  To learn more, visit The National Memorial for Peace and Justice.

The Lynching of Amos Miller from the Courthouse Balcony, August 10, 1888

On August 10, 1888, Amos Miller was murdered by hanging from the balcony of the courthouse in Franklin, Tennessee. Miller, an approximately 30-year old black man, was from the Santa Fe community in Maury County and was first jailed in Columbia on charges of rape - which he denied. But when a mob was formed, intending to lynch Miller, the Maury County sheriff brought him to Franklin in Williamson County. Newspaper accounts describe that a mob of 100 men were "en route to Franklin with the intention of mobbing [lynching]" Miller so the sheriff then took him to Nashville.  When the authorities returned with him to Franklin for trial two months later, an "organized body of about 50 men, well-armed" entered the courtroom, took Miller, and swung "him to a banister railing." 


The Williamson County Courthouse
Franklin, Tennessee


Initially Brought to Franklin.  When Amos Miller was first brought to Franklin for safekeeping on June 17, 1888, Sheriff Russell of Williamson County learned that a mob of 100 men were on their way to the city to kill his prisoner. So he and the jailer took Miller about 1/2 mile out of town and hid him in a wheat field.  While they were hiding, the mob arrived in Franklin and demanded from the turnkey at the jail that Miller be handed over.  The jail was opened, but upon inspection, they confirmed that Miller was not there. The mob then went out the Nashville Turnpike (today's Franklin Road) - as far as the first tollgate - to wait for the Sheriff to return with Miller.  


This portion of an 1878 map of the Williamson County shows downtown Franklin at the bottom, and circled is the first Tollhouse on Franklin Road (the Nashville Turnpike) where the mob waited for the Sheriff and Amos Miller.  Near the top of the image is Owen's Station - this is probably the Mallory Station referenced as the train station from which the jailor and Miller left for Nashville to avoid detection by the lynch mob.
D. G. Beers & Co. Map of Williamson County 1878
They waited for two hours and then "gave up the search."  Meanwhile, Sheriff Russel and Miller hid in the field until later in the morning when they deemed it safe to return to the Franklin jail. Sometime that morning, the jailer took Miller to Mallory's Station - rather than the Franklin train station - where they boarded a train for Nashville. 
Evening_Star_Thu__Jun_21__1888

Held in Nashville Until Trial.  Amos Miller arrived in Nashville on Wednesday, June 20th and was held in the jail there for about two months.   Despite the passage of time, the blood lust for Miller had not cooled when at about 5 o'clock am on Saturday, August 11th, Nashville jailer Webb and Policeoffier Dowell left for Franklin with their prisoner. The newspaper reported that "It was feared that if he remained [in Nashville] much longer he would be taken from the custody of the officers and dealt with by Judge Lynch in a summary certain and inexpensive manner." Judge McAlister had changed the date of the trial two times in order to thwart plans for Miller's lynching. 

One newspaper reported, 
"It was thought best by the officers of the Court not to attempt to try him at the regular session of the Court, and it was accordingly arranged to have a special session for his trial. Miller was brought this morning from Nashville where he had been for safe keeping, and arraigned in Court. The mob had promised the officers of the Court that if Miller was given a trial at once, they would make no demonstrations, but the mob was organized and in READINESS FOR ACTION [capitals in original] whenever the leaders gave the signal."

According to one account,  a little past 10 o'clock in the morning, a large group of men on horseback 
"rode into the city and took their position in the rear of the old cemetery while three of the number went to the jail to ascertain with certainty whether Miller was actually there or had been taken away. Mr. Sellers, the turnkey, says that he had difficulty in satisfying the men that the negro for whom they were searching was not there. Finally, however, they were convinced and the whole party went quietly away without creating any disturbance. People who saw the three men who approached the jail say they wore long, gray linen dusters and that their faces were covered with masks of some sort."
Apparently, next the group proceeded to the Courthouse:
"Very soon after court convened the leaders understood that the attorneys for the defense were preparing to make a motion for a change of venue, and sent word to that effect to the mob. The Court was proceeding to take up the case, and the Attorney-General had announced himself as ready for the State, when the defendant's counsel applied for a continuance, and proceeded to write an affidavit. At once an organized body of about fifty men, well armed, advanced to the Court House, entered the Court-room, seized the negro and swung him to the banister railing in the building, almost in the very presence of the Judge and officers of the Court. 
Per one report,
"The prisoner was hurried out and hanged from the front of the porch. He must have died in a minute. His only motion after the drop was to raise his hands half-way up once."
Some efforts were made to prevent the murder: 
Sheriff Russell drew his pistol to defend the prisoner, but it was struck out of his hand, and he and the other officers, all of whom attempted to stop the mob, were overpowered. Judge McAlister rose on the bench and some of the lawyers leaped to the tables and ordered and advised the mob to hesitate but to no avail."
"An effort [by Sheriff Russell] was made to prevail upon the lynchers to desist, but they were determined not to countenance any thing that had the appearance of delay, and summarily executed THEIR CONCEPTION OF JUSTICE ([capitals in original]. No one was allowed to interfere.

Sadly, Amos Miller's brother [Charles Miller] was present for his killing:
"A brother of Miller was in the Court House and witnessed the hanging but made no demonstration. Mrs. Scott [the alleged victim] was present at the trial but upon notification left a few minutes before the arrival of the mob. None of the mob were disguised, and when they had executed their vengeance they quietly dispersed. Intense excitement prevails throughout the town and vicinity, but the result is nothing more than was expected by many of the people familiar with the details of the crime."
I have not been able to identify a gravesite for Amos Miller's body.

Richmond Planet, August 25, 1888
Miller's lynching occurred at a time when these kinds of murders were all-too prevalent. The Richmond Planet, an African American newspaper, kept a count of the lynchings. In the one year period from July 1887 to July 1888, they had reported 109 lynchings of black people in America. In the month, August 1888, including Amos Miller's lynching there were 31 killings bringing the total to 140.


Over the 25 year period from 1868 through the early 1890s ast least 11 men were murdered in Williamson County by lynching:


July and August 1868: six men died in a series of retaliatory murders:


- July 18, 1868 William Guthrie was lynched by the KKK, by shooting near the Douglass church (the site of today's Henpeck Market on Lewisburg Pike

- July 19, 1868 Jeremiah Ezell was shot in an ambush in retaliation for the killing of William Guthrie

- Soon after, two men were murdered by hanging in retaliation for the murder of Jeremiah Ezell (one was hung from a locust tree at Widow Bostick's Everbright home on Carter's Creek Pike and the other was hung in "Maney's front lawn" - the home known today as Jasmine Grove in the Myles Manor neighborhood.)

- August 17, 1868, Samuel A. Bierfield was shot on Main Street in downtown Franklin in retaliation for the death of Jeremiah Ezell

- August 17, 1868 Lawrence Bowman was shot on Main Street in downtown Franklin apparently in retaliation for the death of Jeremiah Ezell

March 1877, Jim Walker was taken from the courthouse by “masked men” and hung “about a mile from town”.

August 1878 Calvin Beatty was lynched by hanging from a hickory tree

October 1878 John Thomas was lynched by hanging

August 10, 1888 Amos Miller was lynched by hanging by the KKK from the courthouse railing

April 30, 1891 Jim Taylor lynched from the Murfreesboro Bridge by today's Pinkerton Park in Franklin

This ugly period in America's history, in Franklin and Williamson County's history and in our collective history must not be forgotten. To learn more, visit The National Memorial for Peace and Justice.